Kurdish people, another push for the fall of the Iranian theocratic dictatorship
In the context of the probable upheavals looming in the Middle East, particularly in relation to attempts to depose the despotic Iranian regime, we present an exclusive interview with the leader of the Kurdistan Independence Party, Arif Bawecani.
Having become a Peshmerga in 1987, he has nearly 39 years of political experience, later becoming leader of the Serbesti Kurdistan Party (PSK), a position he held for 20 years and among Kurdish communities in exile, he represents a credible and authoritative interlocutor for a people long exposed to multidirectional threats and, in effect, subjected to a state of permanent siege. The Serbesti Kurdistan Party, is a political formation known globally as a point of reference also for the large Kurdish community in exile.
What do you think about what is happening in Iran now? Do you believe we are approaching the end of the regime, or have we already witnessed protests in the past that seemed decisive but ultimately allowed the regime to survive?
What is happening today in Iran reflects the deep frustration of the people toward this conservative and dictatorial regime.
The situation in Iran is extremely serious in every respect: economic, political, security-related, internal, and international. There is a profound mistrust between the people and the government, a severe deterioration of economic infrastructure, and a collapse of confidence within the internal security forces.
At present, many members of the armed and security forces are considering how to abandon their duties rather than carry them out. This situation is abnormal and indicates that there is no effective system capable of protecting the country from collapse. All of this is the direct result of the regime’s disastrous domestic and foreign policies over the past 47 years.
With regard to Prince Pahlavi, how do you view his potential return, both within Iran and among demonstrators abroad?
First of all, with full respect for the person mentioned, I must clearly state that he will never gain the trust of even 5% of the population living within the geographic entity called Iran.
The Iranian people in general—including the peoples of Kurdistan, Ahwaz, Baluchistan, and the Azerbaijani Turks—are firmly opposed to the return of the royal family. We have bitter historical experiences with this family. Moreover, he ignores the reality that more than 65% of Iran’s population is non-Persian.
Denying the existence of national rights for oppressed non-Persian nations will never be acceptable in any future political system. To date, he has not presented any serious solution for these nations. What we repeatedly hear from him is the slogan: “One nation, one country, one flag.” He has even unilaterally decided the flag, without consultation.
For example, God created me Kurdish. I am Kurdish, my language is Kurdish, and my homeland is Kurdistan. How can I be forced to become Persian or to live under Persian domination? On what basis does he claim that Iran is a single nation?
Today, oppressed nations—including the Kurdish nation, the Ahwazi Arab nation, the Baluchi nation, the Saharan Turkmen nation, the Azerbaijani Turkish nation, the Caspian nation, and others—have their own political and civil parties and organizations. These organizations exist to defend their national rights.
Like many other nations in the region, we have endured a painful history of internal conflicts due to intrigues and chaos in the occupying countries. However, the unity of the Kurdish nation is at a very good level. Cooperation and mutual support among Kurds are strong.
Nevertheless, the geographical legitimacy of Kurdistan requires struggle according to the political and geographical conditions of the region.
For example, Kurds in Iraq and Syria have achieved partial independence due to changes in their regimes. Oppressed Kurds in Turkey are trying to resolve the Kurdish issue under internal and external pressure. But the Kurdish nation in Iran is deprived of all rights and freedoms. The change or collapse of the Iranian regime is certainly imminent. This creates a good opportunity for the Kurds. We are moving closer to unity and consensus.
Within what is now Iran, there are many oppressed non-Persian nations: the Kurdish nation, the Ahwazi Arab nation, the Baluchi nation, the Azerbaijani Turkish nation, the Saharan Turkmen nation, and the Caspian nation. All demand the right to self-determination. Kurds and these nations do not want to return under the rule of a Persian monarch.
The Serbesti Kurdistan Party (PSK) is a Kurdish political movement focused on the right to self-determination of its people and on the protection of human rights, with particular attention to the conditions of minorities in areas under Iranian influence, as well as the denunciation of executions and repressive policies carried out by the authorities in Tehran.
Is there unity of purpose with other Kurdish political formations operating in areas under Turkish, Syrian, and Armenian influence?
The area of Kurdish influence extends across eastern Turkey, northern Syria, western Iran, and to a lesser extent southern Armenia. These distinctive geopolitical conditions have contributed to the fragmentation of movements advocating Kurdish independence, resulting in a prolonged political stalemate that has weakened collective representation at the international level.
The territory and borders of Greater Kurdistan are all interconnected. It has been proven for thousands of years that this people owns this land; they did not arrive as refugees from elsewhere.
What is today called Northern Kurdistan (Turkey), Southern Kurdistan (Iraq), Eastern Kurdistan (Iran), and Western Kurdistan (Syria) has always been Kurdistan.
However, through many agreements between emperors and past powers, they deliberately concluded arrangements without consulting the Kurdish people. They drew borders across Kurdistan with a pencil. They arbitrarily placed each part of Kurdistan under a regional power, the most obvious case being the division of Kurdistan under the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
What do you think about what is happening in Iran today? Do you believe we are approaching the end of the regime, or have we already seen protests in the past that seemed decisive but ultimately allowed the regime to survive?
What is happening today in Iran reflects the deep frustration of the people toward this conservative and dictatorial regime.
The situation in Iran is extremely grave in every respect: economic, political, security-related, internal, and international. There is profound mistrust between the people and the government, a severe deterioration of economic infrastructure, and a collapse of confidence within the internal security forces.
Currently, many members of the military and security forces are considering abandoning their posts rather than fulfilling them. This situation is abnormal and indicates that there is no effective system capable of protecting the country from collapse. All of this is the direct result of the regime’s disastrous domestic and foreign policies over the past 47 years.
Do you feel safe abroad, or are you under pressure and threat?
I, along with other activists fighting for our rights, am constantly under threat from the security agencies of the occupying Iranian regime and its extremist groups. However, for someone who believes in justice and struggles to defend the rights of their nation, fear has no place.
Death is a natural process that everyone must face. Therefore, it is far better to die defending the rights of our nation so that future generations never forget this responsibility.
The history of the Kurdish people has long been marked by persistent ambivalence—oscillating between support and hostility—on the part of populations and states surrounding the highland plateau that constitutes the most geographically significant core of the emerging Kurdish homeland. Over the centuries, the Kurds have been persecuted, yet at the same time subjected to political hypocrisy driven by the strategic value of their military support in successive conflicts that shaped the Middle East.
Unfortunately, over recent decades the Kurdish issue in the region has always been treated by global powers as a tool of interest against invaders, and then ignored.
Kurdistan is one of the oldest and most important regions in the Middle East and the Kurds are among the oldest indigenous peoples of the Middle East, with a documented presence of over 3,000 years in the Zagros and Taurus mountain regions.
Kurdistan occupies a strategic geographical position at the crossroads of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, making it a crucial buffer zone between major regional powers throughout history and the regions contain vital natural resources, including major oil, gas, and water reserves, increasing their geopolitical importance.
In ancient times, the Kurdish nation had several states and empires, as well as various local and state governments in later centuries.
After World War I, the division of Kurdistan among several states prevented the creation of a Kurdish state, despite promises made in international agreements.
Kurdish forces have been central to regional security, particularly in the fight against ISIS, gaining international recognition for their effectiveness and reliability.
The Kurdish issue remains a key factor in Middle Eastern stability, as unresolved Kurdish aspirations continue to influence regional conflicts, alliances, and diplomacy.
The struggle for liberation and independence continues in all parts of Kurdistan from past centuries through the beginning of 2026 and beyond. These struggles will never stop until the ultimate dream of independence is achieved.
Throughout their history of struggle, the Kurds have been attacked and chemically bombed by dictators and the most brutal occupying states. Tens of thousands have been executed. Yet they have never surrendered and have continued their struggle.
Have you had the opportunity to formally present and assert your demands for self-determination before the Iranian authorities?
The regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has never allowed people to express their political, democratic, and civil demands. Anyone who has spoken even of basic rights has been arrested by Iranian security services, executed on charges of opposing the regime, the rule of jurists, and religion, or imprisoned for many years.
Today, all Iranian prisons are filled with Kurdish and other nations’ cultural and democratic activists.
This regime has never been willing to sit at a dialogue table with Kurdish political parties to find a radical solution for the rights of the Kurdish nation and other non-Persian nations.
For example, in 1989, they met Dr. Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou, leader of the PDKI, in Vienna under the pretext of dialogue, but he was assassinated at the negotiating table. Most European countries witnessed the terrorist act but ignored it.
We, as a Kurdish nation, have never loved war. We have always tried to resolve our problems with occupiers through peace and dialogue, but unfortunately, they responded with weapons, fire, and death. We were forced to take up arms to defend ourselves.
For example, Kurds in Northern Kurdistan are now ready to enter a peace process with Turkey. So far, they have taken several steps, such as laying down arms in the mountains and adopting measures in the Turkish parliament. But Turkey has not yet acted.
Which international or regional actors do you consider the most reliable in supporting your cause?
There are many supporters, including individual activists and writers who always fight for the rights of the Kurdish nation. But unfortunately, until a few years ago, no government or international authority intervened concretely. When they did, the issue was treated mainly as a human rights or minority problem.
We Kurds are not a minority. In the Middle East alone, we number more than 60 million, not including Kurds in Europe and the former Soviet Union.
In recent years, we have repeatedly seen and heard messages of support from Israel. Such support for the Kurdish nation is honorable and deserving of gratitude, and it is encouraging to have backing from a country like Israel to bring the Kurdish national issue to the UN agenda.
We need the support of most countries in the world, particularly the United States, Israel, EU member states, NATO, China, and Russia. For this, lobbying with the support of influential figures in friendly countries is necessary.
Israel and the United States are important to us, but media messages or intimidation of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria are not enough. We expect practical support. I hope they reflect on the history of the Kurdish nation’s relentless struggle and take concrete measures. The problems of the Middle East will not be solved until the Kurdish question is resolved.
